How Many Statewide Elections Will Democrats Win in North Carolina?
Will Josh Stein prove to have stronger coattails than the top of the ticket?
The 11th hour Democratic presidential nomination of Kamala Harris and the continued fallout over the gubernatorial nomination of Lieutenant Governor Mark Robinson has put the odds of Democrats reversing the recent GOP success in North Carolina more in their favor.
North Carolina Republicans reached post-Reconstruction high water marks by winning eight (non-judicial) statewide elections during both the 2016 and 2020 cycles – in races for president, U.S. Senator, and six state offices (Lieutenant Governor, Treasurer, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and for Commissioners of Agriculture, Labor, and Insurance).
Each of these six state offices as well as the remaining four on the ballot (Governor, Secretary of State, Auditor, and Attorney General) were decided by single digits in 2020 – further cementing North Carolina as one of the truest battlegrounds in the country.
The Tar Heel State has decisively led the nation for the most competitive U.S. Senate elections over the last 30+ years, with an average victory margin of just 5.5 points across its 12 contests since 1990. [Only Nevada (8.3 points), Pennsylvania (8.9), Colorado (9.1), and Missouri (9.2) also boast single-digit averages].
The average victory margin in North Carolina’s presidential elections during this period (1992-2020) is even tighter at 4.8 points – sixth lowest in the nation following Florida (2.6) and just behind Nevada (4.2), New Hampshire (4.6), Ohio (4.7), and Wisconsin (4.7).
What makes projecting the balance of power across these 10 state offices in 2024 particularly difficult to assess in this highly competitive state is that more than half of these offices – six – are open seat races. That’s double the number from 2020 (Lieutenant Governor, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Commissioner of Labor).
This November, the state will have open seat elections for Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Attorney General, Treasurer, Commissioner of Labor, and Superintendent of Public Instruction (following the GOP primary loss of Superintendent Catherine Truitt).
Additionally, the Democratic incumbent for Auditor (former Wake County Commissioner Jessica Holmes) was appointed to the office in 2023 following the resignation under scandal of four-term Democratic incumbent Beth Wood.
With no more than 7.7 points separating the two parties across these 10 races in 2020 (and eight decided by less than five points) a few-point partisan swing at the top of the ticket (or even in the gubernatorial race) could be quite meaningful across the board.
Of the three elected incumbents:
- Democratic Secretary of State Elaine Marshall is attempting to win an eighth term
- Republican Agricultural Commissioner Steve Troxler is vying for a sixth term
- GOP Insurance Commissioner Mike Causey is seeking a third term
But the 78-year old Marshall faced her stiffest competition to date in 2020 with a 2.3-point win against private equity real estate company founder E.C. Sykes.
Causey enjoyed a little more wiggle room in 2020 (3.5 points) in his rematch against former Commissioner G. Wayne Goodwin after unseating him in 2016 by 0.8 points.
Troxler’s 2020 7.7-point win in 2020 was narrower than his 2016 victory (11.1 points) but was the second largest of his five victories for the office.
With more revelations of Robinson’s past statements seemingly accelerating his implosion, Democrats are quite bullish they will hold the gubernatorial seat with their nominee, Attorney General Josh Stein.
While the races for the following offices have been close in recent cycles, Democrats have still only lost elections for Secretary of State (1896), Attorney General (1896) and Auditor (2004) once each since Reconstruction.
In addition to Stein, Marshall, and Holmes, Democrats also nominated established elected officeholders in races for Lieutenant Governor (State Senator Rachel Hunt), Attorney General (U.S. Representative and former State Senator Jeff Jackson), Treasurer (State Representative Wesley Harris), Commissioner of Labor (Charlotte City Councilor Braxton Winston), and Commissioner of Insurance (State Senator Natasha Marcus).
By contrast, the only non-incumbent Republicans who previously served in elected office are those nominated for Governor (Robinson) and Attorney General (U.S. Representative and former State Senator Dan Bishop).
There will be at least some split-ticket voting at the margins in the state come November. But whether or not swayable North Carolina voters decide to back established political officeholders or newcomers may be less determinative than the final margins in the vote for president and governor.
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– In addition to the aforementioned, the Old North State will host an election for “Seat 6” of the NC Supreme Court (with appointed D incumbent Allison Jean Riggs), and elections for Seats 12 (Democrat Carolyn Jennings Thompson), 14 (Republican Valerie Johnson Zachary), and 15 (Republican Hunter Murphy) of the NC Court of Appeals – each on a statewide, partisan basis.
– All seats in both chambers of the NC General Assembly (a *statewide institution*) will also be elected on a partisan basis. My surmise is that the Republicans, with their heavily gerrymandered districts, will retain control, but, with the expected ‘thumping’ in the gubernatorial election, will lose their supermajority.
Thanks for noting these judicial elections which the GOP has dominated, but also in very close races (nearly all single-digit margins in recent cycles).
– Old North State Democrats did lose the secretary of state and attorney general offices one time each since the end of Reconstruction – to the Republican-Populist “fusion” alliance, an apparently unique political force that briefly held sway in the state during the last decade of the 19th century.
– Much already has been said and written about the fallout surrounding gubernatorial nominee Robinson. While his ultimate effect on the ’24 general election is unknown at present, he arguably already has affected the internal *Democratic* machinations. Were it not for his designated role as acting governor in the (extended) out-of-state absence of the governor, departing Governor R A Cooper might have been easily selected as the vice presidential nominee to current VP KH (he instantly removed himself from consideration precisely because of such obtuse scenario).
– Thus, there may be a very good chance that the post of lieutenant governor will cease to exist as a standalone position in the not-too-distant future; had the governor and lieutenant governor been elected on a ‘conjoined ticket’, Robinson would have lost alongside “Dan” Forest in 2020. On the other hand, former US Senator Adlai Stevenson III would have had a very good chance to defeat long-serving incumbent “Jim” Thompson and been elected governor of IL in 1986 if the state had a standalone general election for lieutenant governor at the time; even with the stunning primary victory of Mark Fairchild for lieutenant governor, Stevenson could have continued with his campaign on the (official) Democratic ticket, untethered to the global conspiracy-spewing LaRouchite.
(Odds & Ends – Cornhusker Edition) :
1. If NE were to abolish the ‘district allocation system’ for the Electoral College via a statewide referendum in ’25 or ’26 (in time for the 2028 presidential cycle) would ME abolish its own mechanism in response? (Its Democratic powers would assuredly respond in kind if its NE counterpart were to do away with the current system legislatively.)
2. Referring to the Omaha-anchored district as the “blue dot” seems, well, odd. If it is, it would not be so closely contested like MI and PA (I would call it a *pale/light violet dot* myself). Also, the fact that the Republicans had gone to such extraordinary lengths to essentially take away the voice of Metropolitan Omaha is arguably a tacit confirmation that they believe the district can not be won on the strengths of their political platform – which in fact is the case with the ‘red roof’ of ME (Central & Northern swath, R in both ’20 and ’16 elections). In addition, by joining his co-partisans, “9 lives?” Representative D J Bacon chose to place ‘party over people (his own constituents)’; will he pay the price at the polls?
3. Should Debra Lynelle Strobel “Deb” Fischer win re-election (recent select polls show an unexpectedly close contest) she will be the first occupant of the Class 1 seat to be elected three times since fellow Republican Roman Lee Hruska in 1964. Presuming she wins she seems poised to attain a smaller margin than her colleague “Pete” Ricketts, an appointed senator (SC 2014: appointed incumbent performing more strongly than his elected colleague; any earlier cases since 1914?).